Character of Primordial Politics in Africa

Ethnic Politics

Whether called ethnicity or tribalism, its means a general feeling of allegiance, attachments or loyalty to one’s primordial group at the expense of the others. In most states, electoral constituencies were drawn to coincide with ethnic territorial boundaries. Accordingly, ethnic groups became the power base of politicians and political parties. In order to get elected, politicians are invariably compelled to play on ethnic sentiments.

This situation has made it difficult for a national leader acceptable to all communities to emerge in post-independent African states. A leader is first and foremost seen as a representative of a particular group, and his leadership position at the national level is cited as an evidence of domination of one ethnic, and the marginalisation, or exclusion of the other groups.


In pursuit of ethnic politics, most African states have discarded merit and embraced ethnic balancing or what is called federal character in Nigeria. This idea of ethnic arithmetic has the consequence of imposing nepotism and mediocrity at the expense of merit in governance. Other negative impact of ethnic politics include incessant struggles for superiority, sit-tight syndrome, threats of secession or division, ethic nationalism and prolonged civil strife, which assumed genocidal levels in Rwanda and Liberia in the early 90s.

Elites in African Politics

The elite is a group of people who are set off from the rest of the society as superior because of certain qualities they possess by virtue of ascription or achievements. Ascription is by birth while achievement is by personally acquired traits. Elite theorists such as C.W. Mills wrote of power elite that control every political system, and indeed argued that the US is not a democracy but an oligarchy. Robert Mitchel, another elite theorist wrote of an “Iron Law of Oligarchy”. The theory holds that in any organization only a small percentage of members hold the rein of political and administrative leadership.

 In any political system, because the citizens are generally dormant, only tiny groups who are active control the political leadership. This influential minority whether in the military, business or professions, seeks to use the machinery of the state to achieve their narrow objectives.

The African elites just like in every other region of the world are the better educated elites who secured independence for their countries.

Leaders like Nkrumah, Nyerere, Azikiwe were politically enlightened, more attentive to information, able to make use of opportunities, were able to develop participant attitudes, and consequently assumed the leadership of their respective countries. 

Though African elites claimed that they sought power for the public good, but experience have shown that they have been unable to distinguish between their public and personal interests. During the era of military incursions into the politics of African states, the military elites had an advantage. But to be able to rule they co-opted the politicians into political offices. Yet, the military elite is bound together by their common calling, esprit de corps and discipline. Today, in countries like Nigeria (until recently), Gambia, Burkina Faso, Uganda, etc, former military rulers are at the head of government in these countries.

Class Relations in African Politics

The class analysis rejects all pluralist perspectives of analyzing African politics. According to Karl Marx, “the history of all societies is a history of class struggle” between the “haves” and “have-nots”. 

In any society where a dichotomy exists between the upper and the lower class, a contradiction will develop that will lead to class-consciousness. The theory posits that each class recognizes its position in the society and always seeks political power to defend its class interest. Kwame Nkrumah (1970:10 -16) admitted that, historically, Africa has always been a class-based society, which was reinforced under colonialism which created the European and the Africa sector, the former exploiting the latter. In his view, class distinction was submerged during the struggle for independence, but it re-emerged immediately after self-government was attained.

Today in Africa, class formations have developed around the wage earners, and the local bourgeoisie. But the local capitalists in Africa are not independent because they rely on the state apparatus for sustenance, and since the state economy itself is tied to the global economy they employ the weapons of religion and tribalism to cause divisions among the people, in order to promote their narrow class interest. The Sudanese crises which has raged for close to a quarter of a century between the North and South and which appeared to have been inspired by religion is, in reality, a struggle for power sharing and control over oil resource.

SELF ASSESSMENT EXERCISE 1

• What is the relevance of tribe, class and elitism to primordialism in African politics?